Le Roi Mohammed VI s’entretient avec Mehdi Jomaâ

Le Roi Mohammed VI du Maroc a réaffirmé sa volonté de conforter les relations tuniso- marocaines et de raffermir la coopération bilatérale dans les domaines économique, politique et sécuritaire.

 

Recevant, samedi, en sa résidence à Tunis, le chef du gouvernement provisoire Mehdi Jomaâ, le Souverain ca souligné que la visite de ce dernier au Maroc, peu après son investiture, « était un signal fort de la volonté de consolider les relations de fraternité entre les deux pays ».

 

Selon un communiqué de la présidence du gouvernement, Mehdi Jomaâ a, de son côté, mis l’accent sur l’importance majeure que revêt la visite en Tunisie du Roi du Maroc qui, a-t-il dit, constitue une véritable opportunité pour raffermir la coopération bilatérale au service des intérêts des deux peuples tunisien et marocain.

 

 

Les accords conclus à l’occasion de cette visite, a-t-il ajouté, ne manqueront pas de contribuer à identifier de nouveaux créneaux de coopération et à consacrer le principe de la coopération solidaire entre les deux pays.

 

Vingt-trois accords de coopération avaient été signés, vendredi, entre la Tunisie et le Maroc dans les domaines de la sécurité, de l’économie, du tourisme, de la santé, de l’éducation, de l’environnement, de l’énergie et des mines, lors d’une cérémonie organisée, au palais de Carthage, sous la présidence du Roi Mohammed VI et du président de la République provisoire Moncef Marzouki.

 

Source Atlasinfo


Tunisia at the Crossroads

—   —   By Oussama Romdhani*.

 

 

On April 4th, Tunisian Prime Minister Mehdi Jomaa, who took office in December, will visit Washington to meet with President Obama. He will seek greater US support to his country, the birthplace of the Arab Spring, as it strives to combat terrorism and salvage the economy.

With a stagnant economy, continued political uncertainty, and a terrorist problem, Tunisia encapsulates the problems that have emerged from the uprisings of three years ago. Whatever happens in Tunisia, however, will not stay in Tunisia; and so it behooves Washington and Tunis—as they launch their Strategic Dialogue this week—to seek the best possible outcome together.

A UN report, released in March, revealed that Tunisian authorities have seized “Libyan MANPADS and other short range surface to air missiles” smuggled across the border from Libya. As battle-hardened jihadists from across North Africa return from Syria, Tunisia and its neighbors alike face serious peril from terrorism. While the Tunisian government has shown greater resolve in recent months, the country simply does not have the capacity to handle the problem alone. It needs assistance from friends in order to upgrade its forces and effectively monitor jihadist activities on its border and beyond.

 

 

In February, US Secretary of State John Kerry described Tunisia as a country “that has an opportunity to show the path, to point the way,” for Arab Spring nations engulfed in turmoil. His words were justified. About 10 percent of Libyans have taken refuge in Tunisia. Whereas political violence continues in Egypt, Libya, and, of course, Syria, Tunisia’s vying factions were able to reach a compromise enabling ratification of a progressive constitution and the appointment of a technocratic government. Free and free elections should be held by the end of the year.

Nothing is certain, however. Prime Minister Jomaa continues to face daunting socioeconomic challenges. Tunisia’s youth still yearn for greater job opportunities and better living standards, three years since the fall of the Ben Ali regime. In recent weeks, the Jomaa was quite open with the Tunisian public on the extent of the country’s economic plight. Bloated government spending has led to mounting debt and a soaring national deficit. Sooner or later, Tunisian governments will have to introduce the kind of fundamental economic reform that can spur growth and employment. But cutting subsidies and freezing salaries will be difficult before elections.

Most Tunisians are aware that many post-revolutionary wounds were self-inflicted. Political polarization, identity wars, and score-settling campaigns took a terrible toll and did not leave much time for interim governments to fix the economy. Ideological hang-ups and government inexperience helped enable forces of terror and extremism. Today, politicians still have to work hard at reconciliation and inclusive democracy. They seem however to be exorcizing their destructive demons and changing their focus to the future.

Tunisia needs help. It has been nearly three years since the Group of Eight promised $20 billion in aid to the Arab Spring countries, including Tunisia, to foster democratic transition and economic reform. But they have not fulfilled their pledge. Achieving the type of “post–Berlin Wall” transformation to which the G8 alluded to at the 2011 Deauville summit would have required granting Arab Spring countries the same kind of support received by newly liberated East European nations. In recent weeks, Ukraine has received $27 billion in aid pledges from the international financial institutions, Europe, and the US. Tunisians may be forgiven for wondering whether only Europeans are eligible for the kind of transformational help their country needs.

Tunisia could become the driving engine for democracy and economic growth south of the Mediterranean. Successfully completing the transition would not only help Tunisia, but also mitigate corrosive instability and radicalization whose reverberations might be felt far and wide. Tunisians expect the international community to be more forthcoming with them in the current juncture. The United States should show the way.

*Oussama Romdhani is an independent columnist and a former senior official in the Tunisian government.


Mr. Jomaa Goes To Washington: A Breath Of Fresh Air From Tunisia’s ‘Arab Spring’ Revolution

—   —   By Ellen Laipson and Oussama Romdhani*.

 

When the Prime Minister of Tunisia, Mehdi Jomaa, visits Washington on Wednesday, it will be a welcome respite from the relentless bad news coming from the Arab world. Tunisia, where the Arab “spring” began in late 2010, is farther along the process of democratic transformation than the other countries where the demand for change was equally compelling — Egypt, Libya, Yemen and Syria. The U.S. government is right to acknowledge the notable milestones achieved by Tunisia toward completion of this transition. Sustaining Tunisia’s successes will require continued commitment to inclusiveness among the political parties, and more financial and political support from the U.S., Europe and Tunisia’s neighbors.

Jomaa’s appointment has been the source of measured optimism in Tunisia, following the remarkable decision in January 2014 by the Al-Nahda Party to relinquish power in the face of public disapproval, and accept an interim technocratic government. The transfer of power to Jomaa palpably eased the polarization between the secular and Islamist camps, and put the country on the track towards power-sharing and reconciliation. It also brought to power a non-partisan government that can focus on meeting the twin challenges of terrorism and economic recession.

The Jomaa government faces an uphill battle in the pursuit of these objectives, but it can rely on the country’s proven tradition of political moderation, derived from the legacy of its first post-independence president, Habib Bourguiba. Tunisia’s “founding father” set the country on a rapid track to modernization, with strong secular, education and gender equality orientations. Tunisia’s second president since independence, Zine el Abidine Ben Ali, was toppled in January 2011 when unemployed young people took to the streets demanding “jobs, freedom and dignity”. Elections were held in October 2011 giving a plurality of seats to Islamists. Interim governments have not since been able to mitigate the lingering socio-economic difficulties of Tunisia. But after decades of autocratic rule, newly-gained rights allowed citizens freedom of expression and the practice of democratic customs.

Unfortunately, Salafist radicals took advantage of the new political climate by engaging in violence and terrorism. But their popular appeal has proven to be marginal. A recent University of Michigan survey showed than 93 percent of Tunisians condemned the September 2012 Salafist attack on the U.S. embassy in Tunis.

 

Mehdi Jomaa

 

Tunisia also benefits from its Mediterranean climate and location, ethnic and religious homogeneity, and its early recognition of the need to diversify its economy, given its modest endowments of oil and phosphates.  France, Tunisia’s former colonial power, still constitutes the country’s first trade partner — its cultural influence and attractiveness as a destination for Tunisian immigrants have traditionally added to the strong bonds between the two countries.  But the relationship has not proven sufficient to pull Tunisian out of its recession, especially considering Europe’s continued economic slowdown.

During its two years in power, Tunisia’s main Islamist party, Al-Nahda, has not provided answers to the country’s economic woes, but it has proven to be attentive to the mood of the electorate. Islamist leaders overcame pressures from party hardliners to introduce explicit references to Islamic law and roll back the rights of women in the new constitution. They eventually stepped aside when newly empowered citizens became frustrated with their poor performance in government; and after the bloody events in Egypt last summer, they were convinced of the risks of clinging to power for too long.

“Nida Tounes,” Tunisia’s main secularist party, has played an important role in shaping the consensus that ended the deadlock. Down the road, it could also play an even greater role in the building of a stable and inclusive “two-pole” system.

Since assuming office, Jomaa has diagnosed the serious economic problems the country faces with realism. Under his watch, the government has shown greater determination in fighting terrorism instigated by “Ansar al Sharia” Jihadists. But it cannot tackle the two daunting tasks without domestic and outside support. To have any chance of success dealing with the lingering socio-economic difficulties, the Jomaa government must receive the help of the country’s strong trade union and business federation.

In recent days, prominent friends of Tunisia have urged the U.S. to deepen its engagement in Tunisia’s transition, recommending, for example, loosening travel warnings and security restrictions for U.S. diplomatic personnel in the country, increasing economic aid substantially beyond the current $30 million annual outlay, and supporting a free trade agreement and other measures to strengthen Tunisia’s private sector.

Given Tunisia’s size, the U.S. should also develop a more effective regional strategy that supports Tunisia’s economic and political stability in a larger context. This should be, in fact, one of the priorities of the U.S.-Tunisia Strategic Dialogue set to be launched during Jomaa’s visit. Encouraging a regional approach based on greater security coordination and economic cooperation would be an important stepping-stone to regional stability.

While Libya suffers now from a profound security vacuum, it could in the future be a major employer for Tunisia’s job-seekers and a potential partner for Tunisian enterprises. Joint ventures with Algeria and Morocco can also provide mutual benefits.

Indeed, Tunisia has long favored a more integrated region.  While politics in the larger neighboring countries have prevented much progress, the U.S. can encourage this trend as a way to support Tunisia’s leadership and its strategic interests. It is also the smart way to expand interest and opportunities for the U.S. business community, and to create more effective markets for trade and innovation for both countries.

*Ellen Laipson is President and CEO of the Stimson Center. Oussama Romdhani is an independent analyst and former Tunisian government official.

Débâcle socialiste: La visite du premier ministre tunisien reportée

La visite en France du premier ministre tunisien Mehdi Jomaa, prévue en début de semaine prochaine, a été reportée à une date indéterminée, selon des sources concordantes.

 

Les sources gouvernementales tunisiennes interrogées n’ont pas expliqué les raisons de ce report ni évoqué de nouveau calendrier.

L’Elysée a confirmé que la visite de M. Jomaa, prévue lundi et mardi, n’aurait finalement pas lieu, ainsi que l’avait d’abord révélé ce matin Le Parisien.

 

Le report de ce déplacement intervient alors que le Parti socialiste français du président François Hollande et du Premier ministre Jean-Marc Ayrault a subi une lourde défaite lors du premier tour des élections municipales.

Selon le patron de cette formation, Harlem Désir, Hollande va en tirer les conséquences en annonçant “une nouvelle étape” de son quinquennat avec un gouvernement “resserré”.


Mehdi Jomaa bloque les caisses de l’État tunisien

Dans une interview télévisée, le premier ministre tunisien Mehdi Jomaa juge que la situation économique de son pays risque de devenir « catastrophique ». La Tunisie va devoir emprunter 4 milliards de dinars de plus que prévu. Il donne un coup d’arrêt à la politique de soutien des entreprises publiques en difficulté et stoppe l’embauche de fonctionnaires.

Matteo Renzi en Tunisie pour son premier déplacement à l’étranger

Le nouveau Premier ministre italien, Matteo Renzi, est arrivé mardi 4 mars à Tunis pour une visite de quelques heures. Il s’agit de son premier déplacement à l’étranger depuis son entrée en fonctions le mois dernier.

M. Renzi doit rencontrer dans l’après-midi le président de la République, Moncef Marzouki, le Premier ministre, Mehdi Jomaa, ainsi que le président de l’Assemblée constituante, Mustapha Ben Jaafar. Il s’entretiendra également avec des représentantes de la société civile tunisienne ainsi qu’avec la présidente du patronat (UTICA).

M. Renzi avait annoncé le mois dernier que son premier voyage à l’étranger serait en Tunisie pour redonner son importance au Bassin méditerranéen. « Nous souhaitons que Mare Nostrum [Notre mer en latin, nom donné à la Méditerranée par les Romains dans l’Antiquité] redevienne centrale », avait-il déclaré.

Un accord UE / Tunisie signé lundi

L’immigration clandestine est un sujet central des relations tuniso-italiennes, de nombreuses embarcations de fortune transportant des migrants partant de Tunisie et de Libye pour aller à Lampedusa, île italienne au large des côtes tunisiennes.

Des drames y ont lieu régulièrement. Des centaines de personnes ont encore péri noyées au large de l’île en octobre 2013. L’UE et la Tunisie ont signé lundi un accord qui prévoit notamment une simplification des visas et une plus grande ouverture à l’immigration régulière en échange de la lutte contre l’immigration clandestine.

Tunisie : Les 3/4 des gouverneurs remplacés

  • Le Premier ministre tunisien Mehdi Jomaâ a remplacé aujourd’hui 18 des 24 gouverneurs régionaux, conformément à la demande des partis laïques qui réclamaient le limogeage des hauts fonctionnaires issus du parti islamiste Ennahda avant les élections qui doivent avoir lieu dans l’année.

 

Après la crise politique provoquée par les assassinats de deux opposants imputés à des salafistes, Ennahda, première force parlementaire, a accepté de céder le pouvoir à un exécutif de transition chargé de préparer le scrutin, mais les formations laïques l’accusent d’avoir placé ses représentants à des postes-clés avant de s’effacer. “Le Premier ministre Medhi Jomaâ a décidé de remplacer 18 des 24 gouverneurs pour remanier l’administration”, a déclaré le ministre de l’Intérieur, Lofti Ben Jeddou.

 

Les chefs de file d’Ennahda ont fait savoir qu’ils ne s’opposeraient pas à ce que le gouvernement intérimaire revienne sur leurs nominations, mais ont insisté pour que les intéressés soient jugés en fonction de leurs états de service plutôt que de leur sensibilité politique.

The Jomaa factor in Tunisia’s transition

—   —   By Oussama Romdhani*.

The confirmation of Mehdi Jomaa as Tunisia’s new prime minister on Jan. 29 ended months of jockeying for power and put the transition on a much steadier course. But a lot is still to happen before the country is definitely out of the woods.

Since his assuming office as head of a caretaker cabinet in place of the Islamist-led Lariaydh government, Mehdi Jomaa has been basking in the sun of public support. According to a recent opinion poll, conducted by the Sigma polling agency after Jomaa assumed office, nearly 70 percent of the public shared the view that the country “is heading in the right direction.” Only 15 percent of public opinion shared this view last October.

In an unprecedented break from previous political polarizations, support for a prime minister clearly bridged the ideological divide. More than 70 percent of the sympathizers of both Ennahda (the country’s main Islamist party) and Nida Tounes (the leading secularist formation) say they are trustful of Jomaa.

His cabinet has impressed most Tunisians. So has the personality of Jomaa, a down-to-earth 52-year-old engineer with no known political affiliations. The new government chief was not a household name before being picked by the participants of the National Dialogue, a conference of the country’s main political parties, steered since last October by the general union of Tunisian workers (UGTT) and other civil society groups. Unable to agree on a “consensus candidate” before Jomaa, the National Dialogue almost appointed a 92-old statesman to the job.

Keeping the faith

The faith of Tunisians in democracy itself seems to have received a boost by the confirmation of Jomaa. Since the January 2011 uprisings, the Tunisian public used to pin most of its hope on the redeeming value of democracy as the way to a better life. A survey conducted in March-May 2013 by the University of Michigan showed that Tunisians, more than many other Arabs and Muslims, looked up to the democratic ideal as the way out of their crises. The survey indicated that 91 percent of Tunisians shared the belief in democracy as “the ideal form of government,” compared to 86 percent in Iraq, 88 percent in Lebanon, 88 percent in Pakistan, 84 percent in Turkey.

But as the standard of living of Tunisians deteriorated and as democracy became increasingly synonymous with “low-intensity” civil strife, there were signs that the level of adhesion to the “democratic ideal” was quickly eroding. Polls and street manifestations of discontent showed increasing ambivalence about democracy and even a willingness to tolerate an autocratic form of government if it brought with it greater security and better economic conditions. Last October, the International Republic Institute showed that 39 percent of the Tunisian public preferred a stable situation under a non-democratic government, against 53 percent who favored an unstable situation under a democratic government.
Despite the wide support received by the new prime minister, some critics have not been less enthusiastic about his appointment. They argued that Jomaa did not have much experience in Tunisia’s no-holds-barred politics, which could make him easy prey to political predators when the-rough-and-tumble season of electoral sniping opens in the coming months. But Jomaa’s supporters pointed out that the new prime minister, who has committed himself not to run in next elections, was unlikely to be dragged into political hostilities of any sort. French-Algerian academic Nabila Ramdani wrote recently that the “apparent disadvantages” of Jomaa “may be entirely suited to a man who intends to continue Tunisia’s quiet revolution through tact and expediency rather than dogma and violence.”

Vanquishing doubts and terror

The current grace period will likely give way to close scrutiny by civil society and the media. After three years of unmet revolutionary expectations, on top of decades of autocratic disconnect, distrust comes more naturally to Tunisians than the opposite. Already, a “Jomaa-Meter” has been set up by the Tunisian NGO “I-Watch.” The association’s online project “will attempt to monitor the performance of the recently appointed Tunisian Prime Minister Mehdi Jomaa and his government, by documenting what have been achieved as opposed to what he has promised.”

All transitional governments since January 2011 (when the regime of former president Ben Ali was toppled) have been subjected to skeptical second-guessing. Every single major incident has brought with it a host of conspiracy theories, often undermining trust in the authorities. On top of such events, the unsolved murders, last year, of two leftist leaders, Chokri Belaid and Mohammmad Brahmi. The assassinations have led to serious doubts and wild speculations. With the help of the press and social media, large fringes of the political elite have turned into collective sleuths, all trying to answer the frustrating question of who killed the two politicians.

It is against such a background that Jomaa, a few days into the job, faced his first major security challenge. A group of jihadist terrorists made it from Mount Chaambi, on the country’s western border, to Raoued, one of the capital’s northern suburbs. They did so a few days before the anniversary of Chokri Belaid’s murder, giving the showdown between the group of armed militants and anti-terrorism forces a highly symbolic value. After a 20-hour siege, seven terrorists were killed, including Kamel Gadhgadhi, the presumed assassin of Belaid. The episode showed Jomaa to be strongly determined to fight the scourge of terror. A few hours before the anti-terrorist operation was launched, he met with senior army and security officials and told them that “anti-terrorism doctrines shared by the army and the police, and the clear political determination to vanquish terrorism” meant that terrorists “have no place in our country” and will never be able to change Tunisians’ way of life.

Five days after the Raoued showdown, another terrorist cell was tracked and destroyed in Borj Louzir, five miles away. Even if the regained efficacy of the security forces is increasingly a matter of public pride, the terrorism challenge is likely to remain daunting. The probability is high that terrorists will continue trickling across Tunisia’s borders, especially that hundreds of young Tunisian jihadiststs are reported to be still fighting in Syria and other battlegrounds of jihad. One of the terrorists killed in the Raoued confrontation reportedly received his training in the Gaza Strip. Arms and explosives are regularly seized by the security forces, as the minister of the Interior Lotfi Ben Jeddou has recently disclosed.

Anti-terrorism victories might not be sufficient to convince the most die-hard skeptics. But there are already signs the rest of the public is being won. Developing credible narratives will remain, however, as important as waging the anti-terrorism war itself. The perception of the country as a safe place to visit and where to do business will be crucial to restoring the confidence of tourists, foreign investors and international donors.

Economic battles ahead

Deteriorating confidence has cost the country a lot already, in terms of repeated downgrades of sovereign ratings, fall of global competitiveness rankings and stalled international bank loans. Tunisia was ranked 83rd by the 2013-2014 “Global Competitiveness Report” (put out by the Davos-based World Economic Forum). It lost 43 places, compared to the 2011-2012 report, where it had ranked 40th.

“Major exogenous and endogenous shocks have posed serious challenges to the Tunisian economy,” noted the International Monetary Fund mission to Tunisia, last December. The IMF team explained that “the lengthy consultation process required to complete the political transition, as well as security incidents, have had an adverse effect on confidence in the Tunisian economy, as reflected in slower growth, delayed reform implementation, and investors’ prolonged wait-and-see attitude.”
High unemployment, slow economic growth and endemic work stoppages, such as those nearly paralyzing the phosphates sector, have –for many months- deprived the state of revenues and discouraged domestic and foreign investments.

A lot will eventually depend on the ability of political actors to continue striking compromises and accepting reconciliation as an alternative to score-settling

 

 

Oussama Romdhani

Faced with continuous social unrest, the previous transitional governments felt compelled to increase public spending, thus pushing the budget deficit up (to about 7.5 percent of the GDP). “State expenditures for subsidies alone increased from 8.4 percent in the 2010 to account for 16 percent in the 2013 state budget,” noted recently Svetlana Milbert , senior economist at the Atlantic Council’s Rafik Hariri Center for the Middle East. Under social pressure, the outgoing government had to cancel plans to impose new taxes aimed at balancing the budget.

The socio-economic quandary with which Jomaa will have to deal is linked to one central problem – that of high unemployment, especially among university graduates. The overall rate remains at 15.7 percent. More specifically, joblessness affects more than 33 percent of university graduates and more than 43 percent of young female graduates.

With unemployment remaining high, putting austerity measures on the table again will be hard to do for the Jomaa cabinet. But continuing government spending at the same pace of the last three years will be also untenable. Jomaa knows that, and he has no problem admitting it. “If we asked Tunisians whether they thought it wise to increase public spending and resort to indebtedness while economic growth is shrinking, there is no doubt their answer will be ‘No’ ,” he told Tunisian legislators on his confirmation hearing. But at a time when the purchasing power of the middle and lower classes seems increasingly in jeopardy, it remains uncertain whether trade unions will accept to limit work stoppages or accept to make concessions regarding price subsidies.

‘No miracle maker’

As part of the agreement between main political parties and national organizations, the new government is expected to dismantle the “Leagues for the Protection of the Revolution” (described by their secularists nemeses as de facto “pro-Islamist militias”), rescind all politically-motivated civil service appointments, ensure the political “neutrality” of mosques, and lay the ground for next elections. Having to meet all such objectives in less than a year, the Jomaa cabinet has to land running and watch for unexpected obstacles along the way. And even that might not be enough. The new prime minister, who often repeats he is “no miracle maker,” knows that reversing the accumulated socio-economic problems will require a much longer time-frame that the one that comes with his term in office. The social and economic woes of the country are clearly long-term problems requiring long-term solutions.

A lot will eventually depend on the ability of political actors to continue striking compromises and accepting reconciliation as an alternative to score-settling. Much will also depend on the willingness of outside donors and investors to quickly snap-off their “wait-and-see-attitude.” The Wall Street Journal wrote recently that “Tunisia could use the economic assistance and trade opening long promised by Washington and Brussels.” Many regional and international banking institutions are likely to follow the recent example of the IMF in releasing loan tranches to Tunisia. A number of Western nations, as well as neighboring Algeria, are also expected to make good on their pledges of help. Such forms of international support will not by themselves ensure the recovery of the Tunisian economy. But they will give Jomaa, and more so his successors, breathing room allowing them to restore social economic balances without being continuously spooked by a sense of impending financial doom.
In starting to rein-in terrorism, shore up the economy and appease domestic politics, at least for the duration of his term, Jomaa can start to send the right signals to audiences at home and abroad.

Above everything else, Jomaa knows that at the end of the day he will be most critically judged on one particular benchmark: making sure free and fair elections are held on time. He has himself made this, “the highest goal” of his government. No less than 72 percent of the public believe he can meet this objective. Even if that ends up being the only goal he achieves, Jomaa will have ample reason to consider his mission accomplished.

_____________________

*Oussama Romdhani is a former Tunisian minister of Communication, previously in charge of his country’s international image. He served as a Tunisian diplomat to the United States, from 1981 to 1995. A recipient of the U.S. Foreign Service Distinguished Visiting Lecturer Award, he was also a Washington DC press correspondent and Fulbright Research Scholar at Georgetown University. Romdhani is currently an international media analyst. Official blog page: www.oussama-romdhani.com


Tunisie/Jomaa : La vérité sur le voyage d’Amel Karboul en Israël

Dans une intervention à l’Assemblée Nationale Constituante, Mehdi Jomaa a répondu aux constituants qui ont soulevé la question du voyage qu’aurait effectué Amel Karboul en Israël, en précisant que ce voyage n’a duré que quelques heures à l’aéroport de Tel Aviv.

Il a indiqué que ce voyage a été effectué dans le cadre d’une mission internationale, à laquelle participe un groupe de Palestiniens, mais que suite aux difficultés qu’elle a eu pour entrer dans le territoire Israélien (plus de 6 heures d’enquête en raison de sa nationalité), elle a décidé de rebrousser chemin et de refuser cette mission.

Par ailleurs il a assuré qu’il ferait de sorte, après le vote de confiance, de vérifier encore une fois la conformité de certains profils avec les critères arrêtés (indépendance, compétence et probité).

Tunisie: Voici la composition du gouvernement Mehdi Jomaa

    • Le nouveau chef du gouvernement, Mehdi Jomaa, a annoncé la composition de son cabinet lors d’une conférence de presse, dans la soirée du dimanche 26 janvier 2014, au Palais de Carthage, après son entretien avec le président de la République provisoire, Moncef Marzouki.
      Le ministre de l’Intérieur du gouvernement Larayedh, Lotfi Ben Jeddou, a été reconduit à la tête de ce département. Un poste de ministre délégué auprès du ministre de l’Intérieur, chargé de la Sécurité, a été créé.
      Ancien secrétaire d’Etat à l’Industrie au cabinet Larayedh, Nidhal Ouerfelli, a été nommé ministre auprès du chef du gouvernement, chargé de la Coordination et du suivi des affaires économiques.
      Rappelons que Mehdi Jomaa a été chargé le 10 janvier 2014 par le président Marzouki pour former un cabinet de compétences apolitiques, conformément aux clauses de la feuille de route du dialogue national.
      Le gouvernement de Mehdi Jomaa est composé de 28 membres (21 ministres et 7 secrétaires d’Etat) dont trois femmes. Il succède au gouvernement Larayedh (37 membres entre ministres et secrétaires d’Etat), formé le 8 mars 2013, suite à la démission de Hamadi Jebali au lendemain de l’assassinat de l’opposant de gauche Chokri Belaid.
      Voici la liste des membres du gouvernement de Mehdi Jomaa:
      – Ministre de la Justice, des Droits de l’homme et de la Justice transitionnelle: Hafedh Ben Salah
      – Ministre de l’Intérieur: Lotfi Ben Jeddou
      – Ministre de la Défense nationale: Ghazi Jeribi
      – Ministre des Affaires étrangères: Mongi Hamed
      – Ministre de l’Economie et des Finances: Hakim Ben Hammouda
      – Ministre de l’Industrie, de l’Energie et des Mines: Kamel Bennaceur
      – Ministre de l’Agriculture: Lassaad Lachaal
      – Ministre du Commerce et de l’Artisanat: Najla Harrouche
      – Ministre des Affaires sociales: Ahmed Ammar Yanbai
      – Ministre de l’Enseignement supérieur, de la Recherche scientifique et des TIC: Taoufik Jelassi
      – Ministre de l’Education: Fathi Jarray
      – Ministre de la Santé: Mohamed Salah Ben Ammar
      – Ministre du Transport: Chiheb Ben Ahmed
      – Ministre de l’Equipement, de l’Aménagement du territoire et du Développement durable: Hédi Larbi
      – Ministre de l’Emploi et de la Formation professionnelle: Hafedh Laamouri
      – Ministre des Affaires religieuses: Mounir Tlili
      – Ministre de la Jeunesse, des Sports, de la Femme et de la Famille: Saber Bouatay
      – Ministre du Tourisme: Amel Karboul
      – Ministre de la Culture: Mourad Sakli
      – Ministre auprès du chef du gouvernement, chargé de la Coordination et du suivi des Affaires économiques: Nidhal Ouerfelli
      – Ministre délégué auprès du ministre de l’Intérieur, chargé de la Sécurité: Ridha Sfar
      – Secrétaire d’Etat auprès du chef du gouvernement, chargé de la Gouvernance et de la Fonction publique: Anouar Ben Khlifa
      – Secrétaire d’Etat aux Affaires régionales et locales: Abderrazek Ben Khlifa
      – Secrétaire d’Etat aux Affaires étrangères: Fayçal Gouiaa
      – Secrétaire d’Etat chargée de la Femme et de la Famille: Neila Chaabane Hammouda
      – Secrétaire d’Etat au Développement et à la Coopération internationale: Noureddine Zekri
      – Secrétaire d’Etat aux Domaines de l’Etat: Mohamed Karim Jamoussi
      – Secrétaire d’Etat au Développement durable: Mounir Mejdoub
      Le chef du gouvernement désigné avait préféré, samedi soir, ne pas remettre la liste des membres du gouvernement au président de la République, afin d’aboutir à un plus large compromis autour de cette composition. Dimanche matin, le président de la République l’a chargé, à nouveau, de former le gouvernement, conformément à la loi organisant les pouvoirs publics.
    • Source webmanagercenter.com